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James Madison and the Spirit of Republican Self-Government, by Colleen A. Sheehan
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In the first study that combines an in-depth examination of Madison's National Gazette essays of 1791-92 with a study of The Federalist, Colleen Sheehan traces the evolution of Madison's conception of the politics of communication and public opinion throughout the Founding period, demonstrating how "the sovereign public" would form and rule in America. Contrary to those scholars who claim that Madison dispensed with the need to form an active and virtuous citizenry, Sheehan argues that Madison's vision for the new nation was informed by the idea of republican self-government, whose manifestation he sought to bring about in the spirit and way of life of the American people. Madison's story is "the story of an idea" - the idea of America.
- Sales Rank: #1450625 in Books
- Published on: 2009-01-26
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 8.98" h x .51" w x 5.98" l, .80 pounds
- Binding: Paperback
- 226 pages
Review
"the overall analysis is brilliant, and merits careful reading by anyone seriously interested in the ideas of our greatest political thinker." -Jack Rakove
"This book constitutes the most important contribution to the scholarship on James Madison produced in recent memory. In it, Colleen Sheehan demonstrates that Madison's ruminations on politics in the early 1790s and thereafter, and his activity as a politician in the early republic, need to be reinterpreted in light of his Auseinandersetzung with a group of late eighteenth-century French writers-including Mably, Moreau, Necker, Turgot, Condorcet, Chastellux, Dupont de Nemours, Le Trosne, Louis-Sébastien Mercier, Le Mercier de la Rivière, Volney, Mirabeau, Brissot de Warville, Barthélemy, and the like-who debated the significance of what Montesquieu had, in his Spirit of Laws, called communication, and who wrestled with the importance of a powerful phenomenon, more or less unknown in France until the second half of the eighteenth century, which they termed 'public opinion.'" -Paul Rahe, Hillsdale College
"Sheehan's insightful and incisive analysis of the thought of James Madison once again confirms for us his greatness as a political thinker and his importance as a proponent of popular republican government." -Gordon Wood, Brown University
"Colleen Sheehan's bold new book provides a corrective to the many myths of the Founding. It portrays James Madison, the father of the Constitution, as a man deeply concerned with the ideas of civic virtue, citizen character, and common purpose, albeit in the service of the truly republican principles of the Declaration of Independence." -National Review
"....give us a handsome and worthwhile down payment on the more sustained analysis she promises. " -Dr. Michael Zuckert
"Colleen Sheehan's Madison is driven by an overarching concern: What would it take for this American population to become--and remain--a self-governing people? More was at stake than survival and prosperity. For Madison the new national community could flourish only if the people had good reasons for respecting themselves. Sheehan's engaging account of America's beginnings enlarges our understanding of the hopes and fears, successes and failures, not only of a notable man but of a generation of founders." -Ralph Lerner, University of Chicago
In her excellent new study, Colleen A. Sheehan argues that James Madison is preeminent among the Founders in his insistence on the civic cultivation of public opinion." -Richard M. Reinsch, The City Journal
"This well-written and engaging book situates James Madison as a spirited defender of popular government." -George Thomas, Review of Politics
"...Sheehan's book is a rich, well-written, and well-argued text on adison that any serious scholar of Madison and the founding of the United States must read." -Richard K. Matthews, Journal of American History
"...Sheehan's book is a rich, well-written, and well-argued text on adison that any serious scholar of Madison and the founding of the United States must read." -Richard K. Matthews, Journal of American History
"...James Madison and the Spirit of Republican Self-Government is an informed and intriguing addition to the literature on the American founders. The book will appeal to fans of Madison and to scholars of American political thought and the American founding."
Canadian Journal of Political Science Graham G. Dodds, Concordia University
"This is a wonderfully provocative and morally engaged argument...the overall analysis is brilliant and merits careful reading by anyone seriously interested in the ideas of our greatest political thinker."
Political Science Quarterly, Jack Rakove, Stanford University
"This well-written and engaging book situates James Madison as a spirited defender of popular government...Sheehan has elegantly and artfully recaptured neglected and forgotten elements of Madison's thinking that all serious scholars of Madison will need to confront."
The Review of Politics, George Thomas
About the Author
Colleen A. Sheehan is Associate Professor of Political Science at Villanova University and has served in the Pennsylvania House of Representatives. She is the co-editor of Friends of the Constitution: Writings of the Other Federalists 1787-1788 and author of numerous articles on the American Founding and eighteenth-century political and moral thought; these have appeared in journals such the William and Mary Quarterly, American Political Science Review, Review of Politics, and Persuasions: The Jane Austen Journal.
Most helpful customer reviews
16 of 18 people found the following review helpful.
MORE than expected
By rojam
This book is not for casual reading, but for study. Probaly 1/3 of text is in footnotes. I'm reading it a second time, this time as a TEXT BOOK.
0 of 0 people found the following review helpful.
A gift Outright
By Wight Martindale
Colleen Sheehan's book on James Madison offers a wonderfully refreshing view of what it was like to be an active American early in the late 18th and early 19th centuries. Her introduction, where she quotes from Robert Frost's poem "The Gift Outright," reminds us of the sense of gratitude felt by those just realizing that this land was indeed a gift, a gift for which we owned enormous gratitude. And gratitude, need I remind anyone, seems sadly out of fashion these days.
I had just been looking over some of Van Wick Brooks essays and F. O. Matthiessen's American Renaissance, and of course they all come together with the founders like Madison....once upon a time this was all part of "American Studies," an inspiring curriculum back in the 1960s and 1970s.
I am a literature person, not a political historian, so the earnestness of Brooks and Matthiessen was infectious for me. Like Madison, they knew that America was special, that the now discarded writers of their time--Longfellow, Holmes, Cooper, Hawthorne, Emerson, Melville, were worth taking seriously because they were so serious thenmselves. Even the gloomy Melville understood that America was a special gift to those who could survive the early, difficult years. We may have been haunted in those strange, distant days, but we were not hopeless. Our regionalism was real but instructive. Everyone seemed to be on the same very exciting train ride, although perspectives differed tremendously.
It was nice for me to be reminded by Dr. Sheehan's intelligent and accessible narrative that so many people--not just the writers--caught that same sense of discovery and excitement. Madison, Hamilton, and others like them can help us to recall what it was like to live in that ragged but brilliant period. The understanding of these times, and the knowledge that all this was part of our own heritage is more than nostalgic--that, too, is a gift outright.
0 of 0 people found the following review helpful.
Analysis of the ideas of James Madison
By Leon Czikowsky
This is a well considered analysis of the ideas of Madison towards what would become our system of governance. The author presents a political theory that James Madison was a significant contributor to our country's move to republican self-governance. Madison battled the ideas of Federalism that were expressed by George Washington, John Adams, and Alexander Hamilton and break through their opposition. This was both politically and personally difficult for Madison as he deeply respected Washington and he often found Hamilton in his camp, although they often became rivals within the same political party.
Madison expressed the spirit, principles, and ethos (as Aristotle would put it) of republican self-governance. The ethos of republican government is self-governance. Madison labeled this the "spirit" of a new nation's governing system. The spirit thus drove the principles and activities of public expression that produced public policy changes. Madison concluded that it was America's goal "to rest all our political experiments on the capacity of self-government."
Some scholars have concluded that Madison was suspicious of democracy. The author argues that Madison's principles of minimizing government's role in society, of stressing private rights, and for protections of free markets are trademarks of republicanism.
There are scholars who observe Madison moved towards states' rights and away from a strong central government in the 1780s. The author notes that Madison was always concerned about the abuses that could result from a large government without sufficient checks and of improprieties of a majority ruling over all. Madison was always a proponent of self-government, the author argues.
Madison wrote under the pen name of Publius. Madison was a Republican leader in their battle against the Federalists, a battle that led to Republican victory in establishing a republican participatory political system.
Madison believed the power of government belonged to the desires of the public. Madison believed the Constitution protected the people. A participatory democracy would give public opinion to shape political policy making.
Madison strongly opposed a strong executive government that represented the nation's elites. Madison preferred that the people decide how they wished their government to decide. Public participation would allow the public will to overcome any tyranny resulting from majority rule.
Madison was influenced by the French Enlightenment. Madison read their works and has stated he derived inspiration from them. He appreciated their ideas of republican government, of the importance of public opinion, and of a strong constitution. He united these theories into a concept of representative government with checks and balances. The author sees Madison, more than Jefferson, as the leading republican philosopher of their times. The author traces Madison's views of republican self-government to Baron de Montesquieu's views on enlightenment and to Aristotle's beliefs of the importance of public opinion.
Alexander Hamilton and John Adams were familiar with, and respected, the British form of government with a strong central authority. Madison objected to the fights between social classes and political parties that existed within the British form of government.
Madison opposed a national bank as he feared concentrating government power over the economy. He felt it would benefit a privileged few would could misuse government economic power for their own benefits.
Madison argued that Federalists did not trust that the people could govern. He thought the Federalists believed the people lacked the intellectual capacity and ability to reason well enough to reach governing decisions. Madison called for enlightening the public so they could create, follow, and support a government of their own creation.
The Federalists also viewed themselves as republicans.
Nicolas de Condorcet wrote how a free press could educate the public. He believed a free press could also correct itself from untruths. John Adams feared that public opinion could be driven to unreasonable actions and that opinions could be manipulated to lead to tyranny.
Hamilton admitted that wealthier economic interests would benefits from the debt issued by a national government. Hamilton saw this debt as the means to create a more productive economy. Hamilton favored a national bank that could fund new corporations for a growing nation. Hamilton also feared that representative democracy would create greater power within the more popular branch of government and that a few leaders from within this popular group could emerge and distort the use of power. Hamilton saw Britain's House of Lords as consisting of permanent leaders who could counteract the abuse of majority rule. Hamilton proposed Senators serve lifetime terms.
Jacques Necker found many followers in France with his 1784 publicaiton embracing the idea that public opinion should decide government actions. This was an idea that had been gaining strength in France since the 1760s. Several French authors argued that public opinion resulted from a general sense of moral government that would create a stable government. Madison took the argument further in his belief that public opinion had sovereignty.
Jean Jacques Rousseau wrote prominently how he saw public opinion as establishing cultural norms. Yet he was sometimes critical of public opinion, especially when the public lacked enough knowledge of an issue to form a proper norm.
Jacques Peuchet noted that printing made public opinion a more viable factor in guiding government actions than before. Many prior political philosophers recognized that political conversations were often limited to a select community. Printing made information and debates available to the masses.
Madison developed his unique ideas of public opinion by placing these ideas as central to republican governance. Many prior to then saw public opinion as ideas passed from the more literate to the public. Madison believed the general public opinion would create a consensus that could improve governance. Madison noted that self interest would motivate people's opinions. He believed that a general good would emerge.
Madison saw public opinion as emerging from the popular notion of what is right. Madison believed a representative government would check majority rule. Representation would provide a voice for the public will.
Madison argued that the Constitution was based on enumerated abilities to act according to the public will. He argued it was not a document where government was giving rights to the public. He argued that public opinion demanded that, in order for it to support the Constitution, there needed to be a Bill of Rights added.
Claude Helvetius noted a monarch determined by ancestry would likely be immune to the corruptions of foreign influence. He also noted a monarch would more likely improperly dominate the residents. Still, he feared an elected administrator could be corrupted by competing interests. Madison urged a republican government would operate according to the public will.
Madison argued that republican government would avoid being arbitrary by reaching out and involving all of society.
Hamilton believed the U.S. needed to become economically tied to England. Madison believed the U.S, should avoid becoming economically reliant on any other country.
Hamilton foresaw American as having many competing commercial interests. Madison foresaw American as becoming a predominately agricultural nation.
Republican believes Federalists acted against the public will when the successfully fought for the creation of the Alien and Sedition Acts in the 1790s.
Vice President Thomas Jefferson led the Republican Party, assuming this role from Madison. He created an alliance with Aaron Burr to build support from New York Republicans. Jefferson and many Republicans were upset at the limitations on free speech that resulted from passage of the Sedition Act.
Madison and Jefferson wrote of "an appeal to the public". Madison meant it as a constitutional convention. Jefferson meant it as a revolution. Madison believed there should be periodic constitutional convention to make corrections to improve government powers. He proposed there should be a constitutional convention every 19 years.
Helvetius believed self-interest is what motivated people. Jefferson argued that people also had moral senses allowing them to appreciate the needs of others.
Madison did not believe everyone was destined towards each reaching a perfect world. Condorcet believed language could tell of ideas that would bring people together. Madison did not believe a great equilibrium could be reached. He did believe a unity could be reached.
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